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| Julie Goodridge and Hillary Goodridge celebrated
after being married in Boston on May 15. The Goodridges were the lead plaintiffs
in the Massachusetts gay marriage lawsuit that prompted pushes for state and federal
constitutional amendments to ban the practice. (Photo by Winslow Townson/AP)
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HOME > NEWS > NATIONAL NEWS
By: RYAN LEE COMMENTS
The euphoric optimism gay and lesbian Americans felt entering 2004 dimmed throughout
a year when gay marriage, and society’s disapproval of it, became a part
of the national discussion like never before.
The gay rights movement seemed to turn a corner in June 2003, when the U.S.
Supreme Court ruled that states could no longer make homosexuality — or
more specifically, consensual adult sodomy — a crime.
And in November 2003, when the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts decided
that it was unconstitutional to block gay couples from marrying in that state,
some activists hailed the decision as the movement’s “biggest win
yet.”
But that big win may have also led to the movement’s biggest political
loss: the Nov. 2 election, during which millions of voters in 11 states overwhelmingly
supported state constitutional amendments prohibiting same-sex unions. Two other
states had voted earlier this year prior to add constitutional amendments banning
gay marriage.
For many, the election results were an exclamation point that captured the
anti-gay marriage tone that dominated 2004 from its opening month, when President
Bush announced his support for the Federal Marriage Amendment, which defines
marriage in the U.S. Constitution as between a man and a woman.
The stinging election defeat — coupled with some political pundits’
assertion that the marriage debate was responsible for Bush being re-elected
president over Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.) — caused some to question whether
the American public had been forced to deal with gay marriage too soon, and
if activists made it more difficult to attain rights on other fronts by focusing
on marriage.
But as loud and painful as the rejection from their fellow citizens was on
Nov. 2, the election results should not overshadow the historic progress made
in 2004, according to U.S. Rep. Barney Frank (D-Mass.), one of three openly
gay members of Congress.
On May 17, 2004, gay and lesbian couples flocked to city and town clerk offices
throughout Massachusetts to marry legally for the first time in the history
of the country.
More importantly, Frank said, on May 18, the sky in the Bay State had not fallen,
heterosexual marriages and families were not under siege, and God did not unleash
a wrathful plague.
“The single most important thing of 2004 is that we achieved gay marriage
in the state of Massachusetts, because now we will have the reality to debate,”
Frank said. “People have these fears beforehand, but after you see it
in operation, those fears [dissolve].”
Weeks into 2004, Frank knew the issue of gay marriage was going to receive unprecedented
attention.
Frank and millions of Americans watched as President Bush used his Jan. 20
State of the Union address to inch closer toward endorsing the FMA.
“On an issue of such great importance [as marriage], the people’s
voice must be heard,” Bush said. “If judges insist on forcing their
arbitrary will upon the people, the only alternative left to the people would
be the constitutional process.”
One month later, during an early morning appearance on Feb. 24 at which he
took no questions, Bush made his support for the federal marriage ban official.
“I call on Congress to promptly pass and send to the states an amendment
to our Constitution defining and protecting marriage as a union of man and woman
as husband and wife,” Bush said. “The amendment should fully protect
marriage, while leaving the state legislatures free to make their own choices
in defining legal arrangements other than marriage.”
Kerry, Bush’s presidential opponent, opposed the federal amendment, although
he also said he opposed gay marriage and supported a state constitutional amendment
in his home state of Massachusetts.
With passage of a federal constitutional amendment unlikely, political observers
and gay activists accused the president, and his top campaign adviser Karl Rove,
of pandering to Christian conservatives and using the issue as a re-election
get-out-the-vote ploy.
“It definitely took the issue to a different level,” said Seth
Kilbourn, national field director for the Human Rights Campaign, the nation’s
largest gay rights group.
“It sort of gave the green light for extremists on the state level to
put [state constitutional amendments] on the ballot,” he said.
But Bush’s support for the FMA was not enough to get the measure through
Congress. The amendment stalled in the U.S. Senate on July 14 ...
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